Presse et revues
6 pages
Titre : The New York herald tribune
Éditeur : [s.n.] (Paris)
Date d'édition : 1947-10-17
Notice du catalogue : http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb32823406b
Type : texte texte
Type : publication en série imprimée publication en série imprimée
Langue : anglais
Description : 17 octobre 1947 17 octobre 1947
Description : 1947/10/17 (A60,N20129). 1947/10/17 (A60,N20129).
Droits : Consultable en ligne
Identifiant : ark:/12148/bd6t576872x
Source : Bibliothèque nationale de France, département Philosophie, histoire, sciences de l'homme, GR FOL-PB-1751 (BIS)
Conservation numérique : Bibliothèque nationale de France
Date de mise en ligne : 24/03/2021
Page 4
NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE, PARIS, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1947
NEW^YORK
Xeratb ^^fe2Ttibunc
New York Herald Tribune, Inc,
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Paris, Friday, October 17, 1947
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‘Speaking Frankly’
Historians often have to wait long years be
fore gaining access to the diaries and memoirs
of statesmen, the so-called inside stories with
out which no history is complete. Fortunately
for the world,-former Secretary Byrnes has not
shrunk from “speaking frankly” on the diplo
matic history of the last three years and has
done so at a time when his revelations have
more than a purely historical interest. Salient
chapters of his book, just published, are being
run in-a series of installments in the New York
Herald Tribune. Here, the man who took down
in shorthand Roosevelt’s Yalta talks with Stalin
and Churchill and was a protagonist at every
Important international conference in the fol
lowing two years gives us the factual back
ground necessary to understand both Russian
and American foreign policy.
Mr. Byrnes does more than this. The detail
ed story of Potsdam and the subsequent Foreign
Ministers’ meetings; the human interest in such
incidents as one at a session where Stalin called
Churchill a liar, almost in so many words, and
the then Prime Minister “reddened slightly”;
Mr. Byrnes’s account of the events that led up
tto the resignation of Mr. Wallace; all this wealth
of material makes up only a part of the con
tribution by our former Secretary of State.
Equally valuable are his interpretations, his ap
praisal of the characters of Stalin and Molotov,
ills informed speculation on the motives for the
Soviet rejection of the Marshall plan, his
ppinlon of what the Russians are after and how
American policy should deal with them.
Mr. Byrnes makes one revelation that should
[(though it probably won’t) dispel the myth that
American foreign policy changed abruptly with
the death of Roosevelt. The high point of
Soviet-American friendship is shown to have
been at the time the Yalta Agreement was
signed, on February 12, 1945. When the Presi
dent died, two months later, deterioration had
already set in; and Mr. Byrnes tells of an ex
change of telegrams between Roosevelt and
Stalin in which the latter accused the United
States of making a private deal with the Ger
mans, and Roosevelt replied that he deeply re
sented the “vile misrepresentations” of Stalin’s
Informers.
This exchange had been preceded by a sharp
American reaction to Russian violation of the
Yalta Agreement with respect to Romania.
Roosevelt was disturbed, though not entirely
disheartened, at Russian actions as the war in
Europe drew to its close, and an hour before
his death he cabled Winston Churchill his con
viction that “we must be firm” in dealing with
them. It is this policy of firmness that Mr.
Byrnes developed. If he is not sanguine about
the prospects of reaching an early or easy settle
ment with the Russians through this or any
policy, it is at least encouraging to note that he
does not, either, see any inevitability of armed
conflict in the present unhappy situation of the
world.
—From yesterday’s New York Edition.
Other American Comment
Tito Punishes a Patriot
The Yugoslav government has not followed
the example set by the Bulgarian government in
dealing with its outstanding peasant leader and
patriot. The Bulgarians hanged Nikola Petkov
Dn September 23. The Yugolavs have given
Dragolyub Yovanovitch a comparatively light
sentence of nine years at forced labor. Possibly
Marshal Tito felt strong enough to be lenient.
Possibly he did not feel strong enough to inflict
the punishment of death. But the principle in
each case is the same. An honest and courage
ous man, whose offense is that he loved his
country and cherished freedom, has been
eliminated.
Mr. Yovanovitch is a fighting Left-wing liberal,
a former professor at Belgrade University, and
the only political leader who has recently dared
to oppose the Tito regime. Throughout his public
career he has shown utter fearlessness. Before
the war he was continually persecuted by the
regime of King Alexander and then by Prince
Paul and his dictatorial Prime Minister Stoya-
dinovanitch. He was imprisoned many times
and charged with being a Communist in Rus
sian pay. He stood fast under this kind of
persecution, as he has under another kind. The
peasants of Serbia, like the students of Bel
grade University, adored him. During the sec
ond World War he was always strongly on the
side of the Allies. But he conducted his fight
in the city of Belgrade rather than with the
forces of either Mihailovitch or Tito in the
woods. After the war he at first accepted the
Tito regime, believing that it would do away
with the sins of the pre-war government. When
Tito began to terrorize his political enemies,
Mr. Yovanovitch became a fearless critic of the
regime. He spoke out openly in Parliament, de
nouncing Tito’s terrorism.
The Tito government did everything in its
power to intimidate Yovanovitch. He was
publicly smeared in speeches and in the' press
and accused of being a Right-wing reactionary
in the pay of the United States. He was brutally
beaten by an organized gang, but he refused to
be silenced. The Tito regime has now achieved
its end by bringing trumped-up charges against
him and throwing him into prison. He remains
what he has been all along, a sincere Left-wing
liberal and an Agrarian Socialist—a species now
becoming as rare as the dodo bird in eastern
Europe. Like Petkov, he stands as an example
of the kind of “democracy” that prevails in the
Communist-dominated countries
-—From the New York Times.
On the Death of a Witty Versifier
Samuel Hoffenstein, whose death has occurred
in Hollywood, was more recently a scenario
writer buried under the anonymity peculiar to
that profession. His fame, which was at its
height some twenty years ago, rested on his
humorous poems, and especially on the volume
which bore the intriguing title “Poems in Praise
of Practically Nothing.” It sold some 90,000
copies.
Hoffenstein may well have set out with the
idea of being a serious poet. His work shows
the gift for phrasing, the ear for rhyme and
measure, that are the poet’s tools, the sensitiv
ity and the melancholy that are the poet’s tem
perament. It suggests that, had he put his mind
to it, he might have written well in the stately
manner of Edna Millay, A. E. Housman, Walter
de la Mare, Vachel Lindsay and others of his
contemporaries whom he so delightfully
parodied.
But somewhere along the line the whole thing
must suddenly have struck him as ridiculous
and futile. That is the w r qy humor asserts, itself
and puts an end to strivings after the more
exalted arts. From then on there could be
nothing for Hoffenstein but delicate satires on
poems of passion, poems of sentiment, lullabies
and other childhood poems, on the poet’s eternal
struggle with forces which constantly threaten
to overwhelm him.
One method of dealing with- troubles is to
laugh them away. The humorist who helps to
do that can expect the sort of public apprecia
tion that Hoffenstein enjoyed. Yet he knows
that when the laughter dies down the troubles
will reappear and he will be forgotten. Little
humor survives its immediate utility to be passed
on from generation to generation.
Yet for a moment at least Hoffenstein pro
vided joy and entertainment for thousands who
are reminded of it by his death. Their gratitude
to him after twenty years is the measure of his'
success.
, ~From the Baltimore Stin.
Twenty-fiye Years Ago
In the European Edition
OCTOBER 17, 1922
A WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT following
talks by President Harding, Secretary of War Weeks
and General Pershing, says that the American oc
cupation forces in Germany have been recalled. No
date has been set, but it is expected all the men .will
be back before Christmas.
GENERAL SIR CHARLES HARINGTON reports
at British Headquarters in Constantinople that the
evacuation of Thrace is being carried out “without
massacres or anarchy,” despite stories that the re
treating Greeks have burned forty Turkish villages.
THE SMALL FIFTY-CENTIME and one-franc
paper notes now in use in France are to be replaced
by the “bright, shining, _ yellow tokens” which are
being put into circulation as rapidly as they can be
turned out, M. Bouvier, 4 of the French Mint, an
nounces. Passing of the “usually tom, dirty little
notes” is hailed as a welcome step.
A SEA-GOING LIGHTER, on sale with other sur
plus French Navy vessels and equipment left over
from the war, brings twenty-five francs at an auction
at Cherbourg.
Fifty Years Ago Today
In the European Edition
OCTOBER 17, 1897
Dr. CHARLES GATLING, inventor of the famous
gun, announces he is putting the finishing touches to
a new repeating rifle. “It is my belief,” says the
inventor, “that the improvement in weapons is to
continue until the greatest wars are sure to be a
matter of only a few days. Some time in the future,
it is probable that the wind and water and the other
elements are to be made the weapons of war by
scientific means.”
CONSTRUCTION OF HORSELESS carriages in
Paris is progressing slowly because builders cannot
get enough workmen. Prospective buyers have to be
told to come back in a year, one maker reports. Lack
of skilled labor has held production in Paris by all
makers to one carriage a day.
THE COMMISSIONER OF POLICE in London has
issued printed tables showing the distances between
principal streets, squares, parks, hospitals, railway
stations and police courts. Thus, when a cabman
disputes the fare offered by a client, the matter can
be quickly settled at the nearest police station.
many years of stump-speaking
behind him threw himself wearily
into a chair and .said that he had
never known another election cam
paign like it.
He said that he hardly had
given” municipal elections a second
thought before the war. They
never were an intellectual effort.'
Party organizations simply turned
the municipal candidates free to
fight out the local elections op
their own terms.
Now, with international and na
tional issues dominating next Sun
day’s balloting for the first time
in history, people everywhere were
crowding political meetings and
asking pertinent questions the local
bosses did not like to handle.
Examples were: “Do we have to
be pro-American or pro-Soviet?
Why did former Premier Ldon
Blum make an anti - Communist
speech last Sunday? If we must
choose between America and the
Soviet Union, why doesn’t the gov
ernment tell what the consequence
would be?” (
To reply to an endless wave of
such questions, the Socialist partv
worker explained that he and hun
dreds of other government officials
like himself had been called out
of pressing ministerial jobs. The
Socialist party was no exception
Popular Republicans and Radical-
Socialists had been called on to
the stump for the same purpose.
France’s Municipal Elections
National Struggle on Village Level
Party Chiefs on Stump Tours Find Audiences Interested inW orld Issues
Which Have Little Connection with Local Candidates'
^ SOCIALIST party worker iwith
‘Don’t Have To Answer’
By William J. Humphreys
This is so despite the fact that
voting for thousands of town coun
cilors throughout France should
have no technical effect on the
national government. But French
politics cannot be made to follow
established procedure at the pres
ent time. Both the Communists
and General de Gaulle have seen
to this.
For example, in Paris, there are
ninety councilors to be named in
voting this Sunday. Their candi
dacies take on national importance
in view of the transportation strike-
The strike, which deprived more
than 4,000,000 daily fares of sub
way and autobus, had the support
of the General Federation of Labor
(CGT), whose executive body is
dominated by Communists. Pre
mier Paul Ramadier’s government
denounced the strike as “political.”
The CGT replied that it was called
in the interest of underpaid em
ployees.
Political Strikes
munist party officer said that the
membership was “over 1,000,000.”
If the party had been gaining
steadily since 1945, it seems reason
able to assume that there were
some downs as well as ups during
the interim.
One Communist claim is that
the rural districts are joining in
increasing numbers, in this con
nection, rivals point out that the
Communists are conducting an ex
ceptionally heavy campaign in the
agricultural areas. But while they
may gain or lose somewhat in the
nation, they are not expected-
even in the camp of their arch
opponents, the De Gaullists — to
show much of a change.
Hollywood Invades !^
Producers of New American Film }j
Problem of Costs and Use BloJ!
By Barrett McGurn
R
ISING Hollywood production costs and Europe, ^
• Imirc? roponl.hr. oc f'iy
laws showed their effect recently ■ as Gregory $ !
tion here of a new American film, “Cagliostro,” s t a . 1 'J
The film is regarded as a test case which may be f 0 ’i " 5 v
of a film a year in Italy by the major American .
“The Communists don’t have to
answer questions,” the Socialist
contihued with a wry smile. “But
they have their best speakers talk
ing the party line as hard as the
rest of us are trying to explain
things to the curious public-”
This extraordinary effort by the
party organizations is unusual it
not unique in French municipal
elections. It dates back to the
decision of Soviet Russia to de
nounce Marshall plan aid as a,
threat to European sovereignty.
This decision brought the French
Communist party into action with
a supporting challenge. It attack
ed the coalition government of
Premier Paul Ramadier, composed
of Socialists, Popular Republicans
(MRP) and the Rally of Left
Republicans (largely Radical Social
ists) as a tool of American impe
rialism.
The drawing of this international
line encouraged General Charles
de Gaulle’s Rally of the French
People (RPF> organize its own
lists of candidates for municipal
councilors. The De Gaulle rally,
which insists it is not a party, is
motivated by two political con
siderations: ib- is anti-Communist
and it says that the other parties
are fiddling Nero-style.
France can recover, according to
the RPF spokesmen, only if the
non-Communist parties align them
selves under the De Gaulle banner
for the required, generation-long
effort of reconstruction. Moreover,
the French Constitution, adopted
only a year ago, must be changed
to deal with the present rule of
the parties.
General de Gaulle wants a strong
Presidency on the American plan.
At present, the constitution pro
vides for a Premier and his Cabinet
as the executive arm of the gov
ernment.
Feverish Debate
The Premier and his Cabinet
are supported directly by the con
fidence of the National Assembly.
A change in sympathy in the
multi-party legislature can over
throw the Premier and his gov
ernment.
General de Gaulle’s anti-Com-
munism and his insistence on con
stitutional reform, therefore,. have
complicated international and na
tional issues already illuminated
by the French Communists. The
biennial municipal elections, hither
to no more than a weather vane
pointing to what people may be
thinking about party politics on
a local level, now have become a
feverish debate.
For the Paris masses, the deci
sion is not so clear cut. Under
paid in a world of inflationary
prices, they recognize the need of
higher wages, but they also recall
the wave of so-called political
strikes that swept the nation last
May, June and July.
These occurred after the Com
munists were expelled from the
government when they refused to
support the Ramadier administra
tion’s insistence that wages be
frozen and that living costs be
reduced through greater produc
tion. Added to this record is
M. Ramadier’s statement in the
Metro strike that the CGT did
not provide the government with
sufficient time' to examine the
transportation workers’ demands.
What will be the reaction of
Paris and the rest of the country
to these counter-claims of the
Communist-led CGT and of the
government? Clearly, the Com
munists think that in champion
ing the Soviet political cause and
in supporting strikes for higher
wages they have a good gamble.
In responding that the govern'
ment f will not deal with the strikes
until the order is given to return
to work, the Ramadier coalition
government thinks that it has
taken a fearless stand that the
public will indorse next Sunday.
In between the two points of view,
there are some guesses.
A Left-wing Socialist predicts,
for example, that General de
Gaulle’s RPF will account for
30/per cent of the popular vote
in the municipal elections. This
estimate, made after the strike was
called, is more optimistic than
some figures drawn by the gen
eral’s own headquarters. A few
days ago an RPF spokesman said
that the Rally would attract 25
per cent of the popular vote, or
an even break with the Com
munists.
Communists think, on the con
trary, that they will increase then-
following, which was about 25
per cent of the popular vote in
the national elections last - fall.
They say that thfey will lose con
trol' of a few municipal councils.
But they accept this eventuality
because there recently were chan
ges made in the local voting pro
cedure.
Actually, the Communists say,
their party is gaining strength.
However, non-party information
does not support this statement as
a continuous trend. In October,
1945, for example, there was a
festive party occasion when it was
announced that the millionth party
member had been signed up.
Last spring, there were rumors
that the party had lost thousands
of dues-paylrig loyalists, even as
many as 150,000. At one Pans
gathering at which Maurice Thorez
spoke, the party newspaper “I/Hu
manity” boldly claimed an audience
of 1,000,000 adherents and sympa
thizers. To almost everybody else,
the figure appeared to be less than
half that.
Just a week ago, however, a Com-
Changes in the Center
That is to say that the Com
munists should poll something like
5,000,000 votes, which would con
sist of their bonafide members and
about 4,000,000 followers. For im
portant changes in the electoral
picture, observers are looking to
Socialists, the Popular Republicans
and the Radical Socialists.
These parties have a much
smaller registered membership than
the Communists. To win, they
count principally on persuading
the mass of independent French
voters to accept their party plat
forms. Of the three government
parties, only the Radicals are feel
ing optimistic..
They constituted the largest party
in France before the war, a title
now held by the Communists. The
liberation, with a strong resistance
element standing for nationaliza
tion of industries against the
Radical-Socialist principle of free
dom of enterprise, almost decim
ated the party of former Premier
Edouard Herriot.
But the reaction against govern
ment in business has been con
siderable even if it has not been a
tidal wave. Government manage
ment has met reverses through the
recovery period. Inflation, bad
crops, and the failure of the Mon-
net Plan for Modernization and
Equipment to get started have been
major setbacks- But the Radical
Socialists have been winning a
following, so they say. because
many Frenchmen are dissatisfied
with the principle, rather than
with the practice, of government
management.
Influence of RPF
The film will enable Mr. Ratoff’s
backers, the Edward Small Com
pany, to spend hundreds of thou
sands of dollars’ worth of lire which
the company’s previous films have
earned in Italy since before the
war. The lire have remained idle
in Italian banks because of cur
rency laws.
At the same time Mr. Ratoff is
able to take advantage of the low
salary cost of Italian extras and
the modest prices for costumes
made here. It is estimated that
“Cagliostro” would cost $3,000,000 in
Hollywood, but will come to only
three-fifths of that in Italy.
So far as is known by the film's
producers, “Cagliostro” will be the
first motion-picture with American
directors and American stars made
in continental Europe since the in
troduction of sound more than a
decade ago.
tello added entwj
were shot in L Ia-
d'Este P^
which is one 0f 1
Italy. Onehunil
row are among \, 4
tures Mr. aJJjl
shoot the picture at.
beautiful girls of b '
one-hundred f 0 J
ground. lJ1
The company
some scenes in 1
Royal Palace
Way Is Found
Finding a way to use the earnings
of American films shown in Italian
theaters has long been a Hollywood
headache. It is estimated that
from six to eight million dollars in
such earnings are held in Italian
banks
Besides Welles, who will olay an
eighteenth-century hypnotist, the
film will feature Nancy Guild, Ha
kim Tamiroff, Frank Larrimore and
Stephen Bekassy.
The low costs of Italian produc
tion were particularly evident when
Dario Sabatello ordered costumes
and wigs. Thirtfr lace and silk
dresses, which would have cost
from $3,000 to $5,000 each in Holly
wood, were designed and produced
in Rome for $700 each. One thou
sand wigs of the finest quality were
obtained at 20 per cent of American
cost.
The wigs would have been even
cheaper if it were not for a typical
case of Italian shortages. Ameri-
' can wig-makers use yak hair, an
inexpensive material. The Italians
ran out of it and had to buy some
human hair, a much more costly
item. The extras, all Italians, re
ceived $3 to $4 a day, plus lunch
and transportation. Hollywood ex
tras receive.from $11 to $16 a day.
Since the “non-party” RPF is a
new element, its supporters must
come from some of the existing
parties. The Socialists and the
Popular Republicans are expected
to make the major contributions
The former are split between work
ing with the Communists and
working against them.
Angry at what they feel is party
indecision on this issue, Socialist
-Right-wingers in several localities
have defied the party executive
and formed joint lists with the
RPF. The MRP has not had to
make the decision on ideological
grounds. A collection of liberal
Catholics and middle-class people,
the Popular Republican movement
was a staunch supporter of the
general until his resignation as
Provisional President in January,
1946.
What the elections wall decide
for the immediate future is only
conjecture. It is said, for example,
that President of the Republic
Vincent Auriol could call on Gen
eral de Gaulle to form a new gov
ernment if there were a large Gaul-
list switch in the National Assem
bly. This would mean, of course,
that the Assembly changed its
colors on account of what was done
in local elections and not because
of change in its own membership.
Against this speculation, there is
the widespread feeling that Gen
eral de Gaulle is only making a
political start next Sunday and
that he intends to go forward
slowly. National elections, at which
time there could be a referendum
on the constitution and the chan
ges the general wants, cannot be
held in any event before May or
June.
Revival of Comintern Called War of Nerves
Russia Counted on Americans’ Slowness to RecognizePropagandaDrive;
U.S. Public Urged Not to Let Soviet Tactics Get on Its Nerves
By William L. Shirer
NEW YORK.
G RANTED that the men in the
Kremlin, as now seems certain,
have decided they have more to
gain by non-co-operation rather
than co-operation with the bour
geois Western world, Moscow’s
latest step of setting up a modi-
fed Comintern should be seen, it
seems to me, as a major move to
intensify the Russian-directed Com
munist nerve war against the
United States and the other na
tions of the West.
We are in, therefore, for a vast
propaganda war of nerves, and it
does not seem to me that we have
begun to stand up to it very well,
perhaps because we have not yet
fully identified it for what it is.
We never did fully awaken our
selves either to the strategy or the
cunning tactics of the Nazi war of
nerves even after the shooting
stage of conflict had begun- It
may conceivably take us consider
able time to assess what the Rus
sians are up to. The men in the
Politburo probably are fully aware
of this, our weakness, and will
know how to take advantage of it.
They well know how easy it is to
give us the jitters, to keep us in a
fit of tension.
Goebbels Knew
Old Dr. Goebbels found how easy
it was. When I was still in Berlin
and the Nazis were riding high,
his minions used to boast to me
about it. Any time they wanted,
they used to say—and unfortun
ately it was true—they could plant
one of their cock-and-bull stories
on the front pages of the Amer
ican newspapers and in the news
casts of the American radio. Read
ers with long memories will re
member how easily and how well
they succeeded.
In case they have forgotten, they
can consult chapter and verse in
a book published five years ago
by Matthew Gordon called “News
Is a Weapon.” It is full of case
histories of how our press and
radio, in their innocence—and cer
tainly unwittingly — accommodated
Dr. Goebbels by giving undue atten
tion to his propaganda.
I suspect we are giving much too
much attention today to Soviet
propaganda. We are letting it get
on our nerves, which is what, at
the present juncture, it is mainly
concerned with accomplishing. Let
us take a few examples.
The first and principal one, of
course, is the announcement of
the revival of a modified Comin
tern in the guise of an “Informa
tion Bureau,” whose headquarters
are to be set up in Belgrade. All
last week this story hogged our
headlines and clogged the air
waves, as Moscow no doubt intend
ed it to. The very announcement
of the “Information Bureau” made
people uneasy when they con
gregated for talk in Washington
and Lake Success and other places.
This, no doubt again, was what
Moscow had planned and wanted.
Little Change
I, of course, do not pretend to
know the full significance of this
Russian move- Probably only the
course of events will fully explain
it. But one could not help won
dering last week whether setting
up a Communist International “In
formation Bureau” in Belgrade
really changed things very much.
Before the event, no one could
deny that the various Communist
parties outside Russia? already were
working under the strictest of
orders on strategy, tactics and aims
as laid down in the Kremlin.
It was difficult to imagine how
these parties could be any more
closely knit together than they
were, or any more under the
thumb of the Politburo than they
had been. The Comintern may
not have existed in n&me, but it
certainly existed in fact. Yet the
announcement of the setting up of
‘tfhe Belgrade bureau seemed to
frighten the Western world and—
equally bad—confuse it. What on
earth, people asked, were the
Bolsheviki up to?
What they were up to, it seems
to me, was to sow dissension m
the West-democratic world — dis
sension and confusion and uncer
tainty and, if possible, fear. This
was the kind of atmosphere need
ed if progress were to be made in
furthering Communist objectives.
Two Major Objectives
What were those objectives? Two.
I think. First to combat the part
the United States was playing in
restoring non-Communist Europe.
Second—and this was too little
noticed over here—to create favor
able conditions for advances in
France and Italy, the only two
major nations of the western Eu
ropean continent and, moreover,
the only two of any size where the
Communist party was powerfully
intrenched.
When the winter came, and
unless the United States came
through with food and money,
France and Italy might be hungry
and chaotic enough to be ripe for
a Communist bid for power. But
preliminary work was necessary—
spreading dissension and confu
sion and fear. The latter was the
job of propaganda; it was an
organic sphere of the nerve war.
That nerve war, we might well
remember over here, was nothing
very new. It had started more
than a year ago when the Moscow
radio and the Moscow daily news
papers, “Pravda” and “Izvestia,”
had provided the preliminary at
tacks. It should not have been
new to us Americans because our
newspapers and radios obligingly
had given it the fullest publicity.
“Pravda” had only to open its
mouth with a fresh insult, and its
voice was heard from one coast
of America to the other.
Perhaps it is about time that we
recognize a nerve war when we
see it.
Copyright, New York Herald Tribune, l$ic.
Natural Backgrounds
Making the film in Italy will also
mean the - opportunity to work with
natural backgrounds which Holly
wood cannot reproduce, Mr. Saba-
Dust Bowl in Central
Is Worry of German Stj
By Edwin Hartrich
FRANKFURT.
JS central Europe to become a dust
bowl? That is the problem which
has been chewed over by a group
of German scientists at Schloss
Moggingen, near Radolfszell this
last week.
Their pessimistic long-range
weather forecasting is no doubt in
fluenced by the current drought,
which is the most serious exper
ienced by Germany in the last fifty
years. However, under the leader
ship of Dr. Paret, of Ludwigsburg,
a state conservation official, the
scientists are thinking in terms of
centuries rather than decades.
Dr. Paret pointed out that pains
taking research disclosed that the
first long-range recorded drought
in Europe’s history occurred about
2,000 B. C. Every 800 years there
after Europe has suffered a serious
dry spell that lasted several genera
tions, he explained.
The next recorded drought occur
red about 1,-21
about 400 B. C.J
A. D. 400, the 3
1.200. According
the sixth droug!
upon us if i|
started.
The scientists’!
closed that thesl
turned vast ares|
rope into
steppes. Large-’ j
suited as ]
greener pastures.
In Finland, M
Aario, a noted tsjjj
reached the "
though based up®J
ferent reasoning-
Meanwhile, the I
clave can take -yJ
the Rhine river Ml
centimeter level sT
In 1921 the record*
with 58 centimeters!
ing point. Navigal
barges virtually 'y
Kaub gauge
meters.
Letters From the 3Ioi
Yesterday’s News
To the Editor, European Edition :—
The sentry in “Iolanthe,” jerk
ing his thumb toward the Parlia
ment building painted on the back
drop, sings this refrain:
“When in that House MPs divide,
If they’ve a brain and cerebellum
[too,
They’ve got to leave that brain
[outside
And vote just as their leaders
[tell’em to.”
The newspaper reader is not
under the same compulsion. He is
free to apply his intelligence to
what he reads.
You do a good job, under the
pressure’ of getting out an edition
every day, in giving us all the
news, but the reader depends too
much upon the day’s news with
out taking the trouble to remember
the news of the day before or of
the week before- And if more
readers would rememoer the news
of four months ago, when Secre
tary Marshall made his Harvard
speech, there would be less mis
understanding about the mis-named
“Marshall plan.”
By a coincidence, Walter Lipp-
mann and I, both in the same
edition of your paper, called it
the “Marshall proposal” and both
said that there was no “Marshall
plan.” We both told what the
"proposal” was in very similar
language.
This is not a boast, for it does
not require a super-intelligence to
see this thing as it is. It only
requires the application of what
ever intelligence one happens to
possess. The misconceptions as to
world events are not due so much
to lack of intelligence as to a sort
of intellectual laziness. Theodore
Roosevelt once said of himself: “I
have only a mediocre intellect,
highly energized.”
JOHN PROCTER.
Milan, October 9, 1947.
that he can -. ,
all assault. J
seems to me to
of arriving
unvarnished,. 17 J
savors of trial • .
regarded by ^‘.j
is included m -v
I, personal 5
the news ab«l
to my eye, reg J
and try to evalu J
ity with suf
ST of the Vj
me is one^J
my convict®.j
misconception
method of ng s j|
For example M
mine was deefO
belief that lJ
worship baa ^ I
Soviet R ussia th Si
there or in
and when IJ ;jist|
area of France I
pro-Commun s* fj *
book which
dom was in
that land, * J ; f sif
another P a r c f {r oUT
The report ir «
appeared m ^ A
ber 11 con- A
tention. pjicsi^ J
rrctfesl
should certa™ I
it otherwise
I am
fact-happy ^ i
to havemM or[ j
revised. 0 uts .if
informationi g t ;>j
<•—orableJh j
y held b%{|
can sfd P
‘Iron Curtain’ Series
To the Editor, European Edition :—
Your “Behind ‘the Iron Curtain’ ”
series of reports fills a long-felt
want. We all are hungry for news
of that corner of the world, fraught
with so many dire possibilities as
it is; but we want it to be depend
able news. On the news we get
we form our convictions, and noth
ing is so dear to an American
as his convictions.
But he wants those convictions
to be unvarnished true—so true
ously
We
can
take it., ^J
mr emPVI
Your
this
T DM M
genius. J {or n
harnessed -Pf. I
•henever P 0 ^ in
Mt 1*1
Got
lion
Llud eS J
Modern
- °f cwl
serta, another 0 1
luxurious buildinf 1
long. ■
Prop-MaJ
The Americans J
Italian motion-pict®!
ating on smalfbtM
heard of such niceta
men—“the men
have three apples]
calls for three applgl
set-designer, a hoi
degrees, “agreed;
graded to prop-tnajJ
salary,” Mr. Sabatelhl
The immense:
can motion-picture's
on tiny details ,wasl
Italian extras toi
one scene a carriage!
cameras in the dl:|
average lag of tael
curred each time!
assistant shouted I::|
(the carriage).
The normally ttlj
toff was more than
as he shouted a
prompter arrival.
“Carozza! Corel
Mr. Ratoff, who i
cap and chain«i|
holder.
“Tell him whei
he’s got to come,”
ed with his Integral
Not everything ta J
for the motion-n ul
Sabatello conceded!
the Italian governmJ
level,” has been A
but you can't askl
(the Foreign Ministf
get a package of J
the customs.”
Italy’s post-war
so complicated that!
average of three
through the Italian,
item of supplies shin!
wood, Mr. Sabatello«
J John De'
Lrsany, a £!
Ip Grande S<
» the
Kid* the
ISed
Isting in
I for the a-nci
“>nd-P ri y a
Idem bnes >-
■gso.
■among oth«
lion of jn*
•eative effort
fa recjond a
tions of t: ,
E ed W
[after the c
blxpbsitic
id tapestne
^workshop
Cs and An
ges to thepr;
felon on Oc
french wa
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Jiths, at the
t Art.
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■in honor .
Vector of t
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notably G (
des Musec
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J for so
Heave Franc
l. In int
Supper Barr
perican Clul
preer and
Taylor has
pith the P
Ion of works
Vis during i
pur of sevi
■he has ju
■accompani
‘Theodore I
[painting :
Jio also lari
■return of
ien in Gera
.of General
ylor, in an s
igh moral s
■al exchan s
-ep days aft
Iris when hi
time si:
Toup of c
lei immediati
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Operation oi
■General Di
and his
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I soon sent
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r ted out th:
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Srch assoc
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Mr.
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NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE, PARIS, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1947
NEW^YORK
Xeratb ^^fe2Ttibunc
New York Herald Tribune, Inc,
HELEN ROGERS REID, President *
Paris, Friday, October 17, 1947
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The European Edition of the New York Herald Tribune Is
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‘Speaking Frankly’
Historians often have to wait long years be
fore gaining access to the diaries and memoirs
of statesmen, the so-called inside stories with
out which no history is complete. Fortunately
for the world,-former Secretary Byrnes has not
shrunk from “speaking frankly” on the diplo
matic history of the last three years and has
done so at a time when his revelations have
more than a purely historical interest. Salient
chapters of his book, just published, are being
run in-a series of installments in the New York
Herald Tribune. Here, the man who took down
in shorthand Roosevelt’s Yalta talks with Stalin
and Churchill and was a protagonist at every
Important international conference in the fol
lowing two years gives us the factual back
ground necessary to understand both Russian
and American foreign policy.
Mr. Byrnes does more than this. The detail
ed story of Potsdam and the subsequent Foreign
Ministers’ meetings; the human interest in such
incidents as one at a session where Stalin called
Churchill a liar, almost in so many words, and
the then Prime Minister “reddened slightly”;
Mr. Byrnes’s account of the events that led up
tto the resignation of Mr. Wallace; all this wealth
of material makes up only a part of the con
tribution by our former Secretary of State.
Equally valuable are his interpretations, his ap
praisal of the characters of Stalin and Molotov,
ills informed speculation on the motives for the
Soviet rejection of the Marshall plan, his
ppinlon of what the Russians are after and how
American policy should deal with them.
Mr. Byrnes makes one revelation that should
[(though it probably won’t) dispel the myth that
American foreign policy changed abruptly with
the death of Roosevelt. The high point of
Soviet-American friendship is shown to have
been at the time the Yalta Agreement was
signed, on February 12, 1945. When the Presi
dent died, two months later, deterioration had
already set in; and Mr. Byrnes tells of an ex
change of telegrams between Roosevelt and
Stalin in which the latter accused the United
States of making a private deal with the Ger
mans, and Roosevelt replied that he deeply re
sented the “vile misrepresentations” of Stalin’s
Informers.
This exchange had been preceded by a sharp
American reaction to Russian violation of the
Yalta Agreement with respect to Romania.
Roosevelt was disturbed, though not entirely
disheartened, at Russian actions as the war in
Europe drew to its close, and an hour before
his death he cabled Winston Churchill his con
viction that “we must be firm” in dealing with
them. It is this policy of firmness that Mr.
Byrnes developed. If he is not sanguine about
the prospects of reaching an early or easy settle
ment with the Russians through this or any
policy, it is at least encouraging to note that he
does not, either, see any inevitability of armed
conflict in the present unhappy situation of the
world.
—From yesterday’s New York Edition.
Other American Comment
Tito Punishes a Patriot
The Yugoslav government has not followed
the example set by the Bulgarian government in
dealing with its outstanding peasant leader and
patriot. The Bulgarians hanged Nikola Petkov
Dn September 23. The Yugolavs have given
Dragolyub Yovanovitch a comparatively light
sentence of nine years at forced labor. Possibly
Marshal Tito felt strong enough to be lenient.
Possibly he did not feel strong enough to inflict
the punishment of death. But the principle in
each case is the same. An honest and courage
ous man, whose offense is that he loved his
country and cherished freedom, has been
eliminated.
Mr. Yovanovitch is a fighting Left-wing liberal,
a former professor at Belgrade University, and
the only political leader who has recently dared
to oppose the Tito regime. Throughout his public
career he has shown utter fearlessness. Before
the war he was continually persecuted by the
regime of King Alexander and then by Prince
Paul and his dictatorial Prime Minister Stoya-
dinovanitch. He was imprisoned many times
and charged with being a Communist in Rus
sian pay. He stood fast under this kind of
persecution, as he has under another kind. The
peasants of Serbia, like the students of Bel
grade University, adored him. During the sec
ond World War he was always strongly on the
side of the Allies. But he conducted his fight
in the city of Belgrade rather than with the
forces of either Mihailovitch or Tito in the
woods. After the war he at first accepted the
Tito regime, believing that it would do away
with the sins of the pre-war government. When
Tito began to terrorize his political enemies,
Mr. Yovanovitch became a fearless critic of the
regime. He spoke out openly in Parliament, de
nouncing Tito’s terrorism.
The Tito government did everything in its
power to intimidate Yovanovitch. He was
publicly smeared in speeches and in the' press
and accused of being a Right-wing reactionary
in the pay of the United States. He was brutally
beaten by an organized gang, but he refused to
be silenced. The Tito regime has now achieved
its end by bringing trumped-up charges against
him and throwing him into prison. He remains
what he has been all along, a sincere Left-wing
liberal and an Agrarian Socialist—a species now
becoming as rare as the dodo bird in eastern
Europe. Like Petkov, he stands as an example
of the kind of “democracy” that prevails in the
Communist-dominated countries
-—From the New York Times.
On the Death of a Witty Versifier
Samuel Hoffenstein, whose death has occurred
in Hollywood, was more recently a scenario
writer buried under the anonymity peculiar to
that profession. His fame, which was at its
height some twenty years ago, rested on his
humorous poems, and especially on the volume
which bore the intriguing title “Poems in Praise
of Practically Nothing.” It sold some 90,000
copies.
Hoffenstein may well have set out with the
idea of being a serious poet. His work shows
the gift for phrasing, the ear for rhyme and
measure, that are the poet’s tools, the sensitiv
ity and the melancholy that are the poet’s tem
perament. It suggests that, had he put his mind
to it, he might have written well in the stately
manner of Edna Millay, A. E. Housman, Walter
de la Mare, Vachel Lindsay and others of his
contemporaries whom he so delightfully
parodied.
But somewhere along the line the whole thing
must suddenly have struck him as ridiculous
and futile. That is the w r qy humor asserts, itself
and puts an end to strivings after the more
exalted arts. From then on there could be
nothing for Hoffenstein but delicate satires on
poems of passion, poems of sentiment, lullabies
and other childhood poems, on the poet’s eternal
struggle with forces which constantly threaten
to overwhelm him.
One method of dealing with- troubles is to
laugh them away. The humorist who helps to
do that can expect the sort of public apprecia
tion that Hoffenstein enjoyed. Yet he knows
that when the laughter dies down the troubles
will reappear and he will be forgotten. Little
humor survives its immediate utility to be passed
on from generation to generation.
Yet for a moment at least Hoffenstein pro
vided joy and entertainment for thousands who
are reminded of it by his death. Their gratitude
to him after twenty years is the measure of his'
success.
, ~From the Baltimore Stin.
Twenty-fiye Years Ago
In the European Edition
OCTOBER 17, 1922
A WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT following
talks by President Harding, Secretary of War Weeks
and General Pershing, says that the American oc
cupation forces in Germany have been recalled. No
date has been set, but it is expected all the men .will
be back before Christmas.
GENERAL SIR CHARLES HARINGTON reports
at British Headquarters in Constantinople that the
evacuation of Thrace is being carried out “without
massacres or anarchy,” despite stories that the re
treating Greeks have burned forty Turkish villages.
THE SMALL FIFTY-CENTIME and one-franc
paper notes now in use in France are to be replaced
by the “bright, shining, _ yellow tokens” which are
being put into circulation as rapidly as they can be
turned out, M. Bouvier, 4 of the French Mint, an
nounces. Passing of the “usually tom, dirty little
notes” is hailed as a welcome step.
A SEA-GOING LIGHTER, on sale with other sur
plus French Navy vessels and equipment left over
from the war, brings twenty-five francs at an auction
at Cherbourg.
Fifty Years Ago Today
In the European Edition
OCTOBER 17, 1897
Dr. CHARLES GATLING, inventor of the famous
gun, announces he is putting the finishing touches to
a new repeating rifle. “It is my belief,” says the
inventor, “that the improvement in weapons is to
continue until the greatest wars are sure to be a
matter of only a few days. Some time in the future,
it is probable that the wind and water and the other
elements are to be made the weapons of war by
scientific means.”
CONSTRUCTION OF HORSELESS carriages in
Paris is progressing slowly because builders cannot
get enough workmen. Prospective buyers have to be
told to come back in a year, one maker reports. Lack
of skilled labor has held production in Paris by all
makers to one carriage a day.
THE COMMISSIONER OF POLICE in London has
issued printed tables showing the distances between
principal streets, squares, parks, hospitals, railway
stations and police courts. Thus, when a cabman
disputes the fare offered by a client, the matter can
be quickly settled at the nearest police station.
many years of stump-speaking
behind him threw himself wearily
into a chair and .said that he had
never known another election cam
paign like it.
He said that he hardly had
given” municipal elections a second
thought before the war. They
never were an intellectual effort.'
Party organizations simply turned
the municipal candidates free to
fight out the local elections op
their own terms.
Now, with international and na
tional issues dominating next Sun
day’s balloting for the first time
in history, people everywhere were
crowding political meetings and
asking pertinent questions the local
bosses did not like to handle.
Examples were: “Do we have to
be pro-American or pro-Soviet?
Why did former Premier Ldon
Blum make an anti - Communist
speech last Sunday? If we must
choose between America and the
Soviet Union, why doesn’t the gov
ernment tell what the consequence
would be?” (
To reply to an endless wave of
such questions, the Socialist partv
worker explained that he and hun
dreds of other government officials
like himself had been called out
of pressing ministerial jobs. The
Socialist party was no exception
Popular Republicans and Radical-
Socialists had been called on to
the stump for the same purpose.
France’s Municipal Elections
National Struggle on Village Level
Party Chiefs on Stump Tours Find Audiences Interested inW orld Issues
Which Have Little Connection with Local Candidates'
^ SOCIALIST party worker iwith
‘Don’t Have To Answer’
By William J. Humphreys
This is so despite the fact that
voting for thousands of town coun
cilors throughout France should
have no technical effect on the
national government. But French
politics cannot be made to follow
established procedure at the pres
ent time. Both the Communists
and General de Gaulle have seen
to this.
For example, in Paris, there are
ninety councilors to be named in
voting this Sunday. Their candi
dacies take on national importance
in view of the transportation strike-
The strike, which deprived more
than 4,000,000 daily fares of sub
way and autobus, had the support
of the General Federation of Labor
(CGT), whose executive body is
dominated by Communists. Pre
mier Paul Ramadier’s government
denounced the strike as “political.”
The CGT replied that it was called
in the interest of underpaid em
ployees.
Political Strikes
munist party officer said that the
membership was “over 1,000,000.”
If the party had been gaining
steadily since 1945, it seems reason
able to assume that there were
some downs as well as ups during
the interim.
One Communist claim is that
the rural districts are joining in
increasing numbers, in this con
nection, rivals point out that the
Communists are conducting an ex
ceptionally heavy campaign in the
agricultural areas. But while they
may gain or lose somewhat in the
nation, they are not expected-
even in the camp of their arch
opponents, the De Gaullists — to
show much of a change.
Hollywood Invades !^
Producers of New American Film }j
Problem of Costs and Use BloJ!
By Barrett McGurn
R
ISING Hollywood production costs and Europe, ^
• Imirc? roponl.hr. oc f'iy
laws showed their effect recently ■ as Gregory $ !
tion here of a new American film, “Cagliostro,” s t a . 1 'J
The film is regarded as a test case which may be f 0 ’i " 5 v
of a film a year in Italy by the major American .
“The Communists don’t have to
answer questions,” the Socialist
contihued with a wry smile. “But
they have their best speakers talk
ing the party line as hard as the
rest of us are trying to explain
things to the curious public-”
This extraordinary effort by the
party organizations is unusual it
not unique in French municipal
elections. It dates back to the
decision of Soviet Russia to de
nounce Marshall plan aid as a,
threat to European sovereignty.
This decision brought the French
Communist party into action with
a supporting challenge. It attack
ed the coalition government of
Premier Paul Ramadier, composed
of Socialists, Popular Republicans
(MRP) and the Rally of Left
Republicans (largely Radical Social
ists) as a tool of American impe
rialism.
The drawing of this international
line encouraged General Charles
de Gaulle’s Rally of the French
People (RPF> organize its own
lists of candidates for municipal
councilors. The De Gaulle rally,
which insists it is not a party, is
motivated by two political con
siderations: ib- is anti-Communist
and it says that the other parties
are fiddling Nero-style.
France can recover, according to
the RPF spokesmen, only if the
non-Communist parties align them
selves under the De Gaulle banner
for the required, generation-long
effort of reconstruction. Moreover,
the French Constitution, adopted
only a year ago, must be changed
to deal with the present rule of
the parties.
General de Gaulle wants a strong
Presidency on the American plan.
At present, the constitution pro
vides for a Premier and his Cabinet
as the executive arm of the gov
ernment.
Feverish Debate
The Premier and his Cabinet
are supported directly by the con
fidence of the National Assembly.
A change in sympathy in the
multi-party legislature can over
throw the Premier and his gov
ernment.
General de Gaulle’s anti-Com-
munism and his insistence on con
stitutional reform, therefore,. have
complicated international and na
tional issues already illuminated
by the French Communists. The
biennial municipal elections, hither
to no more than a weather vane
pointing to what people may be
thinking about party politics on
a local level, now have become a
feverish debate.
For the Paris masses, the deci
sion is not so clear cut. Under
paid in a world of inflationary
prices, they recognize the need of
higher wages, but they also recall
the wave of so-called political
strikes that swept the nation last
May, June and July.
These occurred after the Com
munists were expelled from the
government when they refused to
support the Ramadier administra
tion’s insistence that wages be
frozen and that living costs be
reduced through greater produc
tion. Added to this record is
M. Ramadier’s statement in the
Metro strike that the CGT did
not provide the government with
sufficient time' to examine the
transportation workers’ demands.
What will be the reaction of
Paris and the rest of the country
to these counter-claims of the
Communist-led CGT and of the
government? Clearly, the Com
munists think that in champion
ing the Soviet political cause and
in supporting strikes for higher
wages they have a good gamble.
In responding that the govern'
ment f will not deal with the strikes
until the order is given to return
to work, the Ramadier coalition
government thinks that it has
taken a fearless stand that the
public will indorse next Sunday.
In between the two points of view,
there are some guesses.
A Left-wing Socialist predicts,
for example, that General de
Gaulle’s RPF will account for
30/per cent of the popular vote
in the municipal elections. This
estimate, made after the strike was
called, is more optimistic than
some figures drawn by the gen
eral’s own headquarters. A few
days ago an RPF spokesman said
that the Rally would attract 25
per cent of the popular vote, or
an even break with the Com
munists.
Communists think, on the con
trary, that they will increase then-
following, which was about 25
per cent of the popular vote in
the national elections last - fall.
They say that thfey will lose con
trol' of a few municipal councils.
But they accept this eventuality
because there recently were chan
ges made in the local voting pro
cedure.
Actually, the Communists say,
their party is gaining strength.
However, non-party information
does not support this statement as
a continuous trend. In October,
1945, for example, there was a
festive party occasion when it was
announced that the millionth party
member had been signed up.
Last spring, there were rumors
that the party had lost thousands
of dues-paylrig loyalists, even as
many as 150,000. At one Pans
gathering at which Maurice Thorez
spoke, the party newspaper “I/Hu
manity” boldly claimed an audience
of 1,000,000 adherents and sympa
thizers. To almost everybody else,
the figure appeared to be less than
half that.
Just a week ago, however, a Com-
Changes in the Center
That is to say that the Com
munists should poll something like
5,000,000 votes, which would con
sist of their bonafide members and
about 4,000,000 followers. For im
portant changes in the electoral
picture, observers are looking to
Socialists, the Popular Republicans
and the Radical Socialists.
These parties have a much
smaller registered membership than
the Communists. To win, they
count principally on persuading
the mass of independent French
voters to accept their party plat
forms. Of the three government
parties, only the Radicals are feel
ing optimistic..
They constituted the largest party
in France before the war, a title
now held by the Communists. The
liberation, with a strong resistance
element standing for nationaliza
tion of industries against the
Radical-Socialist principle of free
dom of enterprise, almost decim
ated the party of former Premier
Edouard Herriot.
But the reaction against govern
ment in business has been con
siderable even if it has not been a
tidal wave. Government manage
ment has met reverses through the
recovery period. Inflation, bad
crops, and the failure of the Mon-
net Plan for Modernization and
Equipment to get started have been
major setbacks- But the Radical
Socialists have been winning a
following, so they say. because
many Frenchmen are dissatisfied
with the principle, rather than
with the practice, of government
management.
Influence of RPF
The film will enable Mr. Ratoff’s
backers, the Edward Small Com
pany, to spend hundreds of thou
sands of dollars’ worth of lire which
the company’s previous films have
earned in Italy since before the
war. The lire have remained idle
in Italian banks because of cur
rency laws.
At the same time Mr. Ratoff is
able to take advantage of the low
salary cost of Italian extras and
the modest prices for costumes
made here. It is estimated that
“Cagliostro” would cost $3,000,000 in
Hollywood, but will come to only
three-fifths of that in Italy.
So far as is known by the film's
producers, “Cagliostro” will be the
first motion-picture with American
directors and American stars made
in continental Europe since the in
troduction of sound more than a
decade ago.
tello added entwj
were shot in L Ia-
d'Este P^
which is one 0f 1
Italy. Onehunil
row are among \, 4
tures Mr. aJJjl
shoot the picture at.
beautiful girls of b '
one-hundred f 0 J
ground. lJ1
The company
some scenes in 1
Royal Palace
Way Is Found
Finding a way to use the earnings
of American films shown in Italian
theaters has long been a Hollywood
headache. It is estimated that
from six to eight million dollars in
such earnings are held in Italian
banks
Besides Welles, who will olay an
eighteenth-century hypnotist, the
film will feature Nancy Guild, Ha
kim Tamiroff, Frank Larrimore and
Stephen Bekassy.
The low costs of Italian produc
tion were particularly evident when
Dario Sabatello ordered costumes
and wigs. Thirtfr lace and silk
dresses, which would have cost
from $3,000 to $5,000 each in Holly
wood, were designed and produced
in Rome for $700 each. One thou
sand wigs of the finest quality were
obtained at 20 per cent of American
cost.
The wigs would have been even
cheaper if it were not for a typical
case of Italian shortages. Ameri-
' can wig-makers use yak hair, an
inexpensive material. The Italians
ran out of it and had to buy some
human hair, a much more costly
item. The extras, all Italians, re
ceived $3 to $4 a day, plus lunch
and transportation. Hollywood ex
tras receive.from $11 to $16 a day.
Since the “non-party” RPF is a
new element, its supporters must
come from some of the existing
parties. The Socialists and the
Popular Republicans are expected
to make the major contributions
The former are split between work
ing with the Communists and
working against them.
Angry at what they feel is party
indecision on this issue, Socialist
-Right-wingers in several localities
have defied the party executive
and formed joint lists with the
RPF. The MRP has not had to
make the decision on ideological
grounds. A collection of liberal
Catholics and middle-class people,
the Popular Republican movement
was a staunch supporter of the
general until his resignation as
Provisional President in January,
1946.
What the elections wall decide
for the immediate future is only
conjecture. It is said, for example,
that President of the Republic
Vincent Auriol could call on Gen
eral de Gaulle to form a new gov
ernment if there were a large Gaul-
list switch in the National Assem
bly. This would mean, of course,
that the Assembly changed its
colors on account of what was done
in local elections and not because
of change in its own membership.
Against this speculation, there is
the widespread feeling that Gen
eral de Gaulle is only making a
political start next Sunday and
that he intends to go forward
slowly. National elections, at which
time there could be a referendum
on the constitution and the chan
ges the general wants, cannot be
held in any event before May or
June.
Revival of Comintern Called War of Nerves
Russia Counted on Americans’ Slowness to RecognizePropagandaDrive;
U.S. Public Urged Not to Let Soviet Tactics Get on Its Nerves
By William L. Shirer
NEW YORK.
G RANTED that the men in the
Kremlin, as now seems certain,
have decided they have more to
gain by non-co-operation rather
than co-operation with the bour
geois Western world, Moscow’s
latest step of setting up a modi-
fed Comintern should be seen, it
seems to me, as a major move to
intensify the Russian-directed Com
munist nerve war against the
United States and the other na
tions of the West.
We are in, therefore, for a vast
propaganda war of nerves, and it
does not seem to me that we have
begun to stand up to it very well,
perhaps because we have not yet
fully identified it for what it is.
We never did fully awaken our
selves either to the strategy or the
cunning tactics of the Nazi war of
nerves even after the shooting
stage of conflict had begun- It
may conceivably take us consider
able time to assess what the Rus
sians are up to. The men in the
Politburo probably are fully aware
of this, our weakness, and will
know how to take advantage of it.
They well know how easy it is to
give us the jitters, to keep us in a
fit of tension.
Goebbels Knew
Old Dr. Goebbels found how easy
it was. When I was still in Berlin
and the Nazis were riding high,
his minions used to boast to me
about it. Any time they wanted,
they used to say—and unfortun
ately it was true—they could plant
one of their cock-and-bull stories
on the front pages of the Amer
ican newspapers and in the news
casts of the American radio. Read
ers with long memories will re
member how easily and how well
they succeeded.
In case they have forgotten, they
can consult chapter and verse in
a book published five years ago
by Matthew Gordon called “News
Is a Weapon.” It is full of case
histories of how our press and
radio, in their innocence—and cer
tainly unwittingly — accommodated
Dr. Goebbels by giving undue atten
tion to his propaganda.
I suspect we are giving much too
much attention today to Soviet
propaganda. We are letting it get
on our nerves, which is what, at
the present juncture, it is mainly
concerned with accomplishing. Let
us take a few examples.
The first and principal one, of
course, is the announcement of
the revival of a modified Comin
tern in the guise of an “Informa
tion Bureau,” whose headquarters
are to be set up in Belgrade. All
last week this story hogged our
headlines and clogged the air
waves, as Moscow no doubt intend
ed it to. The very announcement
of the “Information Bureau” made
people uneasy when they con
gregated for talk in Washington
and Lake Success and other places.
This, no doubt again, was what
Moscow had planned and wanted.
Little Change
I, of course, do not pretend to
know the full significance of this
Russian move- Probably only the
course of events will fully explain
it. But one could not help won
dering last week whether setting
up a Communist International “In
formation Bureau” in Belgrade
really changed things very much.
Before the event, no one could
deny that the various Communist
parties outside Russia? already were
working under the strictest of
orders on strategy, tactics and aims
as laid down in the Kremlin.
It was difficult to imagine how
these parties could be any more
closely knit together than they
were, or any more under the
thumb of the Politburo than they
had been. The Comintern may
not have existed in n&me, but it
certainly existed in fact. Yet the
announcement of the setting up of
‘tfhe Belgrade bureau seemed to
frighten the Western world and—
equally bad—confuse it. What on
earth, people asked, were the
Bolsheviki up to?
What they were up to, it seems
to me, was to sow dissension m
the West-democratic world — dis
sension and confusion and uncer
tainty and, if possible, fear. This
was the kind of atmosphere need
ed if progress were to be made in
furthering Communist objectives.
Two Major Objectives
What were those objectives? Two.
I think. First to combat the part
the United States was playing in
restoring non-Communist Europe.
Second—and this was too little
noticed over here—to create favor
able conditions for advances in
France and Italy, the only two
major nations of the western Eu
ropean continent and, moreover,
the only two of any size where the
Communist party was powerfully
intrenched.
When the winter came, and
unless the United States came
through with food and money,
France and Italy might be hungry
and chaotic enough to be ripe for
a Communist bid for power. But
preliminary work was necessary—
spreading dissension and confu
sion and fear. The latter was the
job of propaganda; it was an
organic sphere of the nerve war.
That nerve war, we might well
remember over here, was nothing
very new. It had started more
than a year ago when the Moscow
radio and the Moscow daily news
papers, “Pravda” and “Izvestia,”
had provided the preliminary at
tacks. It should not have been
new to us Americans because our
newspapers and radios obligingly
had given it the fullest publicity.
“Pravda” had only to open its
mouth with a fresh insult, and its
voice was heard from one coast
of America to the other.
Perhaps it is about time that we
recognize a nerve war when we
see it.
Copyright, New York Herald Tribune, l$ic.
Natural Backgrounds
Making the film in Italy will also
mean the - opportunity to work with
natural backgrounds which Holly
wood cannot reproduce, Mr. Saba-
Dust Bowl in Central
Is Worry of German Stj
By Edwin Hartrich
FRANKFURT.
JS central Europe to become a dust
bowl? That is the problem which
has been chewed over by a group
of German scientists at Schloss
Moggingen, near Radolfszell this
last week.
Their pessimistic long-range
weather forecasting is no doubt in
fluenced by the current drought,
which is the most serious exper
ienced by Germany in the last fifty
years. However, under the leader
ship of Dr. Paret, of Ludwigsburg,
a state conservation official, the
scientists are thinking in terms of
centuries rather than decades.
Dr. Paret pointed out that pains
taking research disclosed that the
first long-range recorded drought
in Europe’s history occurred about
2,000 B. C. Every 800 years there
after Europe has suffered a serious
dry spell that lasted several genera
tions, he explained.
The next recorded drought occur
red about 1,-21
about 400 B. C.J
A. D. 400, the 3
1.200. According
the sixth droug!
upon us if i|
started.
The scientists’!
closed that thesl
turned vast ares|
rope into
steppes. Large-’ j
suited as ]
greener pastures.
In Finland, M
Aario, a noted tsjjj
reached the "
though based up®J
ferent reasoning-
Meanwhile, the I
clave can take -yJ
the Rhine river Ml
centimeter level sT
In 1921 the record*
with 58 centimeters!
ing point. Navigal
barges virtually 'y
Kaub gauge
meters.
Letters From the 3Ioi
Yesterday’s News
To the Editor, European Edition :—
The sentry in “Iolanthe,” jerk
ing his thumb toward the Parlia
ment building painted on the back
drop, sings this refrain:
“When in that House MPs divide,
If they’ve a brain and cerebellum
[too,
They’ve got to leave that brain
[outside
And vote just as their leaders
[tell’em to.”
The newspaper reader is not
under the same compulsion. He is
free to apply his intelligence to
what he reads.
You do a good job, under the
pressure’ of getting out an edition
every day, in giving us all the
news, but the reader depends too
much upon the day’s news with
out taking the trouble to remember
the news of the day before or of
the week before- And if more
readers would rememoer the news
of four months ago, when Secre
tary Marshall made his Harvard
speech, there would be less mis
understanding about the mis-named
“Marshall plan.”
By a coincidence, Walter Lipp-
mann and I, both in the same
edition of your paper, called it
the “Marshall proposal” and both
said that there was no “Marshall
plan.” We both told what the
"proposal” was in very similar
language.
This is not a boast, for it does
not require a super-intelligence to
see this thing as it is. It only
requires the application of what
ever intelligence one happens to
possess. The misconceptions as to
world events are not due so much
to lack of intelligence as to a sort
of intellectual laziness. Theodore
Roosevelt once said of himself: “I
have only a mediocre intellect,
highly energized.”
JOHN PROCTER.
Milan, October 9, 1947.
that he can -. ,
all assault. J
seems to me to
of arriving
unvarnished,. 17 J
savors of trial • .
regarded by ^‘.j
is included m -v
I, personal 5
the news ab«l
to my eye, reg J
and try to evalu J
ity with suf
ST of the Vj
me is one^J
my convict®.j
misconception
method of ng s j|
For example M
mine was deefO
belief that lJ
worship baa ^ I
Soviet R ussia th Si
there or in
and when IJ ;jist|
area of France I
pro-Commun s* fj *
book which
dom was in
that land, * J ; f sif
another P a r c f {r oUT
The report ir «
appeared m ^ A
ber 11 con- A
tention. pjicsi^ J
rrctfesl
should certa™ I
it otherwise
I am
fact-happy ^ i
to havemM or[ j
revised. 0 uts .if
informationi g t ;>j
<•—orableJh j
y held b%{|
can sfd P
‘Iron Curtain’ Series
To the Editor, European Edition :—
Your “Behind ‘the Iron Curtain’ ”
series of reports fills a long-felt
want. We all are hungry for news
of that corner of the world, fraught
with so many dire possibilities as
it is; but we want it to be depend
able news. On the news we get
we form our convictions, and noth
ing is so dear to an American
as his convictions.
But he wants those convictions
to be unvarnished true—so true
ously
We
can
take it., ^J
mr emPVI
Your
this
T DM M
genius. J {or n
harnessed -Pf. I
•henever P 0 ^ in
Mt 1*1
Got
lion
Llud eS J
Modern
- °f cwl
serta, another 0 1
luxurious buildinf 1
long. ■
Prop-MaJ
The Americans J
Italian motion-pict®!
ating on smalfbtM
heard of such niceta
men—“the men
have three apples]
calls for three applgl
set-designer, a hoi
degrees, “agreed;
graded to prop-tnajJ
salary,” Mr. Sabatelhl
The immense:
can motion-picture's
on tiny details ,wasl
Italian extras toi
one scene a carriage!
cameras in the dl:|
average lag of tael
curred each time!
assistant shouted I::|
(the carriage).
The normally ttlj
toff was more than
as he shouted a
prompter arrival.
“Carozza! Corel
Mr. Ratoff, who i
cap and chain«i|
holder.
“Tell him whei
he’s got to come,”
ed with his Integral
Not everything ta J
for the motion-n ul
Sabatello conceded!
the Italian governmJ
level,” has been A
but you can't askl
(the Foreign Ministf
get a package of J
the customs.”
Italy’s post-war
so complicated that!
average of three
through the Italian,
item of supplies shin!
wood, Mr. Sabatello«
J John De'
Lrsany, a £!
Ip Grande S<
» the
Kid* the
ISed
Isting in
I for the a-nci
“>nd-P ri y a
Idem bnes >-
■gso.
■among oth«
lion of jn*
•eative effort
fa recjond a
tions of t: ,
E ed W
[after the c
blxpbsitic
id tapestne
^workshop
Cs and An
ges to thepr;
felon on Oc
french wa
, s bound f<
kill be
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Jiths, at the
t Art.
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Vector of t
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notably G (
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Supper Barr
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Vis during i
pur of sevi
■he has ju
■accompani
‘Theodore I
[painting :
Jio also lari
■return of
ien in Gera
.of General
ylor, in an s
igh moral s
■al exchan s
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time si:
Toup of c
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■General Di
and his
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I soon sent
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