INTRODUCTION xxv

in country business, and he records with much gratification
his appointment as a justice of the peace. He tells us
nothing of his wife, except how much money she got for
housekeeping, and nothing of his children, except when he
records their births or deaths. Nothing of his personal
relations with his distinguished contemporaries at the bar, or
with the men who, as officers of State and Privy Councillors,
still governed Scotland in Edinburgh.

On the other hand, his opinions on all subjects, on public
affairs and public men,on such questions of speculation or ethical
interest as astrology and witchcraft, often strikingly expressed
in language always racy and sincere, are scattered through
the published volumes of his writings, all printed without note
or comment. It may at least be a tribute to Fountainhall's
memory to present a short view of his opinions, and for that
purpose I have not scrupled to quote freely, especially from the
Historical Ob8eMfi, a delightful book, which deserv es a larger
public than the limited circle of its fortunate possessors.
Fountainhall's political opinions were moderate, in an age
when moderation was rare. We are tempted to think, if I am
not mistaken, that in that dark period of Scottish history,
every man was a furious partisan, as a Royalist or a Whig, or
as an adherent of one or other of the chiefs who intrigued for
power. But it may be that Lauder's attitude reflects more
truly the average opinions of educated men of the time.
HIS POLITICAL OPI'10~\S

His political position has perhaps been imperfectly under-
stood by the few writers who have had occasion to refer to it.
Vir. Laing's statement, that prior to the Revolution he appears
generally to have acted only with those who opposed the
measure of the Court,' is not, 1 v enture to think, wholly
accurate. It is true that on one occasion, no doubt memorable
in his own life, he incurred the displeasure of the gov ernment.
c